Immigrants and Urbanization 473
Terms & Names
Terms & Names
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
One American's Story
Politics in the
Gilded Age
WHY IT MATTERS NOW
WHY IT MATTERS NOW
political machine
graft
Boss Tweed
patronage
civil service
Rutherford B.
Hayes
James A. Garfield
Chester A. Arthur
Pendleton Civil
Service Act
Grover Cleveland
Benjamin
Harrison
Local and national political
corruption in the 19th
century led to calls for
reform.
Political reforms paved the way
for a more honest and efficient
government in the 20th century
and beyond.
Mark Twain described the excesses of the late 19th centu-
ry in a satirical novel, The Gilded Age, a collaboration with
the writer Charles Dudley Warner. The title of the book
has since come to represent the period from the 1870s to
the 1890s. Twain mocks the greed and self-indulgence of
his characters, including Philip Sterling.
A PERSONAL VOICE
MARK TWAIN
AND CHARLES DUDLEY WARNER
There are many young men like him [Philip Sterling] in
American society, of his age, opportunities, education
and abilities, who have really been educated for nothing
and have let themselves drift, in the hope that they will
find somehow, and by some sudden turn of good luck, the
golden road to fortune. . . . He saw people, all around
him, poor yesterday, rich to-day, who had come into sud-
den opulence by some means which they could not have
classified among any of the regular occupations of life.
—The Gilded Age
Twain’s characters find that getting rich quick is more difficult than they had
thought it would be. Investments turn out to be worthless; politicians’ bribes eat
up their savings. The glittering exterior of the age turns out to hide a corrupt
political core and a growing gap between the few rich and the many poor.
The Emergence of Political Machines
In the late 19th century, cities experienced rapid growth under inefficient govern-
ment. In a climate influenced by dog-eat-dog Social Darwinism, cities were receptive
to a new power structure, the political machine, and a new politician, the city boss.
A luxurious
apartment
building rises
behind a New
York City shanty-
town in 1889.
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Page 1 of 5
THE POLITICAL MACHINE
An organized group that controlled the activities of
a political party in a city, the political machine also offered services to voters
and businesses in exchange for political or financial support. In the decades
after the Civil War, political machines gained control of local government in
Baltimore, New York, San Francisco, and other major cities.
The machine was organized like a pyramid. At the pyramid’s base were local
precinct workers and captains, who tried to gain voters’ support on a city block or
in a neighborhood and who reported to a ward boss. At election time, the ward boss
worked to secure the vote in all the precincts in the ward, or electoral district. Ward
bosses helped the poor and gained their votes by doing favors or providing services.
As Martin Lomasney, elected ward boss of Boston’s West End in 1885, explained,
“There’s got to be in every ward somebody that any bloke can come to . . . and get
help. Help, you understand; none of your law and your justice, but help.” At the
top of the pyramid was the city boss, who controlled the activities of the political
party throughout the city. Precinct captains, ward bosses, and the city boss worked
together to elect their candidates and guarantee the success of the machine.
THE ROLE OF THE POLITICAL BOSS
Whether or not the boss officially served
as mayor, he controlled access to municipal jobs and business licenses, and
influenced the courts and other municipal agencies. Bosses like Roscoe
Conkling in New York used their power to build parks, sewer
systems, and waterworks, and gave money to
schools, hospitals, and orphanages. Bosses could
also provide government support for new busi-
nesses, a service for which they were often paid
extremely well.
It was not only money that motivated city
bosses. By solving urban problems, bosses could
reinforce voters’ loyalty, win additional political
support, and extend their influence.
IMMIGRANTS AND THE MACHINE
Many
precint captains and political bosses were first-
generation or second-generation immigrants.
Few were educated beyond grammar school.
They entered politics early and worked their
way up from the bottom. They could speak to
immigrants in their own language and under-
stood the challenges that newcomers faced.
More important, the bosses were able to provide
solutions. The machines helped immigrants
with naturalization (attaining full citizenship),
housing, and jobs—the newcomers’ most pressing needs. In return, the immi-
grants provided what the political bosses needed—votes.
“Big Jim” Pendergast, an Irish-American saloonkeeper, worked his way up
from precinct captain to Democratic city boss in Kansas City by aiding Italian,
African-American, and Irish voters in his ward. By 1900, he controlled Missouri
state politics as well.
A PERSONAL VOICE JAMES PENDERGAST
I’ve been called a boss. All there is to it is having friends, doing things for peo-
ple, and then later on they’ll do things for you. . . . You can’t coerce people into
doing things for you—you can’t make them vote for you. I never coerced anybody
in my life. Wherever you see a man bulldozing anybody he don’t last long.
quoted in The Pendergast Machine
474 C
HAPTER 15
A corrupt 19th-
century boss robs
the city treasury
by easily cutting
government red
tape, or
bureaucracy.
A
B
A. Answer
Many local
precinct work-
ers and captains
formed the base
of the organiza-
tion. In the mid-
dle were a few
ward bosses.
At the top was
one city boss.
B. Answer
Because the
machines could
provide solu-
tions to the
immigrants’
most pressing
problems.
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
A
Summarizing
In what way
did the structure
of the political
machine resemble
a pyramid?
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
B
Analyzing
Motives
Why did
immigrants
support political
machines?
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Analyzing
Analyzing
Municipal Graft and Scandal
While the well-oiled political machines provided city dwellers with services,
many political bosses fell victim to corruption as their influence grew.
ELECTION FRAUD AND GRAFT
When the loyalty of voters was not enough to
carry an election, some political machines turned to fraud. Using fake names,
party faithfuls cast as many votes as were needed to win.
Once a political machine got its candidates into office, it could take advantage
of numerous opportunities for graft, the illegal use of political influence for per-
sonal gain. For example, by helping a person find work on a construction project
for the city, a political machine could ask the worker to bill the city for more than
the actual cost of materials and labor. The worker then “kicked back” a portion of
the earnings to the machine. Taking these kickbacks, or illegal payments for their
services, enriched the political machines—and individual politicians.
Political machines also granted favors to businesses in return for cash and
accepted bribes to allow illegal activities, such as gambling, to flourish. Politicians
were able to get away with shady dealings because the police rarely interfered.
Until about 1890, police forces were hired and fired by political bosses.
THE TWEED RING SCANDAL
William M. Tweed, known as Boss Tweed,
became head of Tammany Hall, New York City’s powerful Democratic polit-
ical machine, in 1868. Between 1869 and 1871, Boss Tweed led the Tweed
Ring, a group of corrupt politicians, in defrauding the city.
One scheme, the construction of the New York County Courthouse,
involved extravagant graft. The project cost taxpayers $13 million, while
the actual construction cost was $3 million. The difference went into the
pockets of Tweed and his followers.
Thomas Nast, a political cartoonist, helped arouse public outrage
against Tammany Hall’s graft, and the Tweed Ring was finally broken in 1871.
Tweed was indicted on 120 counts of fraud and extortion and was sentenced to
12 years in jail. His sentence was reduced to one year, but after leaving jail, Tweed
was quickly arrested on another charge. While serving a second sentence, Tweed
escaped. He was captured in Spain when officials identified him from a Thomas
Nast cartoon. By that time, political corruption had become a national issue.
Vocabulary
extortion: illegal
use of one’s official
position to obtain
property or funds
Boss Tweed, head
of Tammany Hall.
Immigrants and Urbanization 475
“THE TAMMANY TIGER LOOSE”
Political cartoonist Thomas Nast ridiculed Boss
Tweed and his machine in the pages of Harper’s
Weekly. Nast’s work threatened Tweed, who reported-
ly said, “I don’t care so much what the papers write
about me—my constituents can’t read; but . . . they
can see pictures!”
SKILLBUILDER
Analyzing Political Cartoons
1.
Under the Tammany tiger’s victim is a torn paper
that reads “LAW.” What is its significance?
2.
Boss Tweed and his cronies, portrayed as
noblemen, watch from the stands on the left. The
cartoon’s caption reads “What are you going to do
about it?” What effect do you think Nast wanted
to have on his audience?
SEE SKILLBUILDER HANDBOOK, PAGE R24.
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Civil Service Replaces Patronage
The desire for power and money that made local politics corrupt
in the industrial age also infected national politics.
PATRONAGE SPURS REFORM
Since the beginning of the
19th century, presidents had complained about the problem of
patronage, or the giving of government jobs to people who
had helped a candidate get elected. In Andrew Jackson’s admin-
istration, this policy was known as the spoils system. People
from cabinet members to workers who scrubbed the steps of the
Capitol owed their jobs to political connections. As might be
expected, some government employees were not qualified for
the positions they filled. Moreover, political appointees,
whether qualified or not, sometimes used their positions for per-
sonal gain.
Reformers began to press for the elimination of patronage
and the adoption of a merit system of hiring. Jobs in civil
service—government administration—should go to the most
qualified persons, reformers believed. It should not matter what
political views they held or who recommended them.
REFORM UNDER HAYES, GARFIELD, AND ARTHUR
Civil
service reform made gradual progress under Presidents Hayes,
Garfield, and Arthur. Republican president Rutherford B.
Hayes, elected in 1876, could not convince Congress to support
reform, so he used other means. Hayes named independents to
his cabinet. He also set up a commission to investigate the
nation’s customhouses, which were notoriously corrupt. On the
basis of the commission’s report, Hayes fired two of the top offi-
cials of New York City’s customhouse, where jobs were con-
trolled by the Republican Party. These firings enraged the
Republican New York senator and political boss Roscoe
Conkling and his supporters, the Stalwarts.
When Hayes decided not to run for reelection in 1880, a free-
for-all broke out at the Republican convention, between the
Stalwarts—who opposed changes in the spoils system—and
reformers. Since neither Stalwarts nor reformers could win a
majority of delegates, the convention settled on an independent
presidential candidate, Ohio congressman James A. Garfield.
To balance out Garfield’s ties to reformers, the Republicans nom-
inated for vice-president Chester A. Arthur, one of Conkling’s
supporters. Despite Arthur’s inclusion on the ticket, Garfield
angered the Stalwarts by giving reformers most of his patronage
jobs once he was elected.
On July 2, 1881, as President Garfield walked through the
Washington, D.C., train station, he was shot two times by a men-
tally unbalanced lawyer named Charles Guiteau, whom Garfield
had turned down for a job. The would-be assassin announced, “I
did it and I will go to jail for it. I am a Stalwart and Arthur is now
president.” Garfield finally died from his wounds on September
19. Despite his ties to the Stalwarts, Chester Arthur turned
reformer when he became president. His first message to
Congress urged legislators to pass a civil service law.
The resulting Pendleton Civil Service Act of 1883
authorized a bipartisan civil service commission to make
476 C
HAPTER 15
RUTHERFORD B. HAYES (1877–1881)
JAMES A. GARFIELD (1881)
CHESTER A. ARTHUR (1881–1885)
C
Nobody ever left the
presidency with less
regret . . . than I do.
Assassination can
be no more guarded
against than death
by lightning.
There doesn’t seem
to be anything else for
an ex-president to do
but . . . raise big
pumpkins.
C. Answer
By allowing
people to be
hired for gov-
ernment jobs on
the basis of
political beliefs
rather than abili-
ty, and by pro-
viding opportu-
nities for misuse
of influence.
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
C
Analyzing
Causes
How did
patronage
contribute to
government
incompetence and
fraud?
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Page 4 of 5
appointments to federal jobs through a merit system based on candidates’ perfor-
mance on an examination. By 1901, more than 40 percent of all federal jobs had
been classified as civil service positions, but the Pendleton Act had mixed conse-
quences. On the one hand, public administration became more honest and effi-
cient. On the other hand, because officials could no longer pressure employees for
campaign contributions, politicians turned to other sources for donations.
Business Buys Influence
With employees no longer a source of campaign contributions, politicians turned
to wealthy business owners. Therefore, the alliance between government and big
business became stronger than ever.
HARRISON, CLEVELAND, AND HIGH TARIFFS
Big business hoped the gov-
ernment would preserve, or even raise, the tariffs that protected domestic industries
from foreign competition. The Democratic Party, however, opposed high tariffs
because they increased prices. In 1884, the Democratic Party won a presidential
election for the first time in 28 years with candidate Grover Cleveland. As presi-
dent, Cleveland tried to lower tariff rates, but Congress refused to support him.
In 1888, Cleveland ran for reelection on a low-tariff platform against the for-
mer Indiana senator Benjamin Harrison, the grandson of President William
Henry Harrison. Harrison’s campaign was financed by large contributions from
companies that wanted tariffs even higher than they were. Although Cleveland
won about 100,000 more popular votes than Harrison, Harrison took a majority
of the electoral votes and the presidency. Once in office, he won passage of the
McKinley Tariff Act of 1890, which raised tariffs to their highest level yet.
In 1892, Cleveland was elected again—the only president to serve two non-
consecutive terms. He supported a bill for lowering the McKinley Tariff but
refused to sign it because it also provided for a federal income tax. The Wilson-
Gorman Tariff became law in 1894 without the president’s signature. In 1897,
William McKinley was inaugurated president and raised tariffs once again.
The attempt to reduce the tariff had failed, but the spirit of reform was not
dead. New developments in areas ranging from technology to mass culture would
help redefine American society as the United States moved into the 20th century.
D
political machine
graft
Boss Tweed
patronage
civil service
Rutherford B. Hayes
James A. Garfield
Chester A. Arthur
Pendleton Civil Service Act
Grover Cleveland
Benjamin Harrison
1. TERMS & NAMES For each term or name, write a sentence explaining its significance.
Immigrants and Urbanization 477
MAIN IDEA
2. TAKING NOTES
In a chart like the one shown, list
examples of corruption in 19th-
century politics.
CRITICAL THINKING
3. EVALUATING LEADERSHIP
Reread the quotation from James
Pendergast on page 474. Explain
whether you agree or disagree that
machine politicians did not coerce
people.
4. ANALYZING CAUSES
Why do you think tariff reform
failed? Support your response with
evidence from the chapter.
5. HYPOTHESIZING
How do you think politics in the
United States would have been
different if the Pendleton Civil
Service Act had not been passed?
Think About:
the act’s impact on federal
workers
the act’s impact on political
fundraising
Republican Party conflicts
D. Answer
Positive: More
competent and
honest federal
workers.
Negative: Closer
ties between
government and
big business.
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
D
Analyzing
Effects
What were the
positive and the
negative effects of
the Pendleton Civil
Service Act?
Corruption
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